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What does Black Lives Matter want?

Writing in the Boston Review, social-movement historian Robin D. G. Kelley delves into a rich and detail policy document recently released by the Black Lives Matter movement, “A Vision for Black Lives: Policy Demands for Black Power, Freedom & Justice.” Kelley shows that in its call for a universal basic income, community control of policing, and reparations for US slavery, the document is a roadmap for ending the oppression of not just African Americans, but of all marginalized people. Read an excerpt from Kelley’s piece below or the full text here.

If heeded, the call to “end the war on Black people” would not only reduce our vulnerability to poverty, prison, and premature death but also generate what I would call a peace dividend of billions of dollars. Demilitarizing the police, abolishing bail, decriminalizing drugs and sex work, and ending the criminalization of youth, transfolk, and gender-nonconforming people would dramatically diminish jail and prison populations, reduce police budgets, and make us safer. “A Vision for Black Lives” explicitly calls for divesting from prisons, policing, a failed war on drugs, fossil fuels, fiscal and trade policies that benefit the rich and deepen inequality, and a military budget in which two-thirds of the Pentagon’s spending goes to private contractors. The savings are to be invested in education, universal healthcare, housing, living wage jobs, “community-based drug and mental health treatment,” restorative justice, food justice, and green energy.

But the point is not simply to reinvest the peace dividend into existing social and economic structures. It is to change those structures—which is why “A Vision for Black Lives” emphasizes community control, self-determination, and “collective ownership” of certain economic institutions. It calls for community control over police and schools, participatory budgeting, the right to organize, financial and institutional support for cooperatives, and “fair development” policies based on human needs and community participation rather than market principles. Democratizing the institutions that have governed black communities for decades without accountability will go a long way toward securing a more permanent peace since it will finally end a relationship based on subjugation, subordination, and surveillance. And by insisting that such institutions be more attentive to the needs of the most marginalized and vulnerable—working people and the poor, the homeless, the formerly incarcerated, the disabled, women, and the LGBTQ community—“A Vision for Black Lives” enriches our practice of democracy.

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Can you expand on how Kelly’s essay is a roadmap? From my reading of it the document walks through several for M4BL demands, but doesn’t support the assertions or show how the meeting of the demands would produce the desired result.

The M4BL document itself seems to be making interesting policy alternatives, but requiring that only black people benifit while not showing that the current policy harms only black people. For example, among the Reperations heading is the demand for free education for all black people. Why limit it to only black people? How does that limitation make it a better policy? What would happen if a group made the same demand but limitied it to white men?

None of the citations that I could in the M4BL showed controlling for all other variables black people are exclusively being oppressed by the public institutions such as the schools, the police, the courts, etc. One of the the papers the Black Girls Matter report explicitly states that there isn’t enough data out there to even start to draw conclussions

“””
Black girls face a statistically greater chance of suspension and
expulsion compared to other students of the same gender….
The prevalence of racial disparity in school discipline is well-known, but the greater racial disparity that Black female students face has not figured prominently in research or advocacy around school achievement. Factors that may contribute to the relative silence about this issue include methods of data gathering and reporting that fail to disaggregate information by both race and gender.
“””
http://www.atlanticphilanthropies.org/app/uploads/2015/09/BlackGirlsMatter_Report.pdf, page 23

In other words, there isn’t research that gives any information as to why lack girls face a statistically greater chance of suspension compared to other students of the same gender. Rightly, the group that wrote the report demands that there be funding for more research. That makes sense to me.

If the M4BL writers can’t demonstarte a link, they are just implying and asserting without evidence. If that is the case their demands have the same chance as luck to make the difference they say they will.

Thank you and i look forward to your thoughts